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# Munatia Plancina: The Roman Governor's Wife Caught in an Imperial Scandal
- URL: https://romanempiretimes.com/munatia-plancina-the-roman-governors-wife-caught-in-an-imperial-scandal/
- Published: 2026-11-15T00:31:12.000Z
- Updated: 2026-11-15T00:31:12.000Z
- Description: She defied expectations, made powerful enemies, and became entangled in one of Rome's most notorious scandals. Yet Munatia Plancina had an ally who could save her when everything seemed lost.
- Author: Christina Athanasiou
- Tags: Roman Empire Anecdotes, roman empire, Munatia Plancina, Germanicus, rome, Agrippina, Tiberius, Livia, Emperor, augustus, Mark Antony, octavian, Brutus, senate, Tacitus, Egypt, Antioch, Roman forum, Cassius Dio

When Germanicus, one of Rome's most popular imperial princes, died in Syria in AD 19, suspicion quickly fell upon the provincial governor, Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, and his wife, Munatia Plancina. Both had been openly hostile towards Germanicus and his wife Agrippina. Rumours of poisoning, mysterious objects associated with destructive magic, and the sudden death of a woman connected to Plancina turned an already bitter political dispute into one of the most [notorious scandals of Tiberius' reign](https://romanempiretimes.com/villa-jovis-the-secret-lair-for-the-dark-pleasures-of-an-old-emperor/).

Piso would lose his life, but Plancina survived the investigation and escaped punishment through the intervention of Livia, the emperor's mother. Her pardon provoked outrage, and the controversy followed her for more than a decade. Yet Plancina was not simply a governor's wife accused of involvement in a possible murder. Her activities in Syria, her connections with eastern rulers, and her presence among soldiers reveal a woman who became unusually involved in the affairs surrounding her husband's governorship.

## An Aristocratic Woman with Powerful Connections

Munatia Plancina belonged to one of the prominent aristocratic families that had survived Rome's transition from Republic to imperial rule. She was probably a granddaughter of Lucius Munatius Plancus, consul in 42 BC, although the possibility that she was his daughter has also been considered. Her family had maintained its political importance through the turbulent decades of the late Republic and the establishment of Augustus' government.

![The statue of Lucius Munatius Plancus in the city hall of Basel, Switzerland. 1580](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/Plancus-Statue--1--1.jpg)

The statue of Lucius Munatius Plancus in the city hall of Basel, Switzerland. 1580\. Public domain

Her ancestor Lucius Munatius Plancus had served Mark Antony before transferring his allegiance to Octavian, the future Augustus. In January 27 BC, he proposed that [Octavian receive the title Augustus](https://romanempiretimes.com/from-octavian-to-augustus-the-making-of-romes-first-emperor/), placing him among the men associated with the formal establishment of the new regime. Plancina's brother, another Lucius Munatius Plancus, became consul in AD 13.

That brother had also been involved in an incident connected with Germanicus. During the mutiny of the Rhine legions in AD 14, he narrowly escaped death when soldiers turned against members of Germanicus' entourage. His experience has been considered a possible personal reason for Plancina's later hostility towards Germanicus, although the surviving accounts do not establish such a connection.

Plancina married Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, who belonged to another distinguished family with a long history of political independence. His father had supported Brutus and Cassius before eventually accepting a consulship under Augustus. Piso himself served as consul alongside Tiberius in 7 BC and subsequently held important provincial commands.

The couple's status placed them close to the highest levels of Roman government. Plancina also enjoyed a particularly important relationship with Livia, Augustus' widow and the mother of Tiberius, who was known after Augustus' death as Julia Augusta. Their friendship would become decisive when Plancina faced prosecution following Germanicus' death.

## Syria and the Rivalry with Germanicus and Agrippina

In AD 17, Germanicus was entrusted with an important mission to the eastern provinces and neighbouring kingdoms. The region presented several problems for Rome, particularly the disputed succession in Armenia and relations with the Parthian kingdom. Germanicus received extensive authority to arrange affairs in the East, while Piso was appointed governor of Syria, where four Roman legions were stationed.

![Bust of Germanicus](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/Bust-of-Germanicus---1--1.jpg)

Bust of Germanicus. Public domain

The arrangement brought two senior aristocrats into a relationship that soon became difficult. Germanicus was a member of the imperial family and Tiberius' adopted son, while Piso was an experienced senator whose rank and ancestry encouraged him to resist being treated as a subordinate. The Senate decree issued after Piso's death confirms that he had been appointed to assist Germanicus, although the two men evidently understood their respective positions very differently.

Tacitus presents their hostility as extending to their wives. In his account, Livia encouraged Plancina to challenge Agrippina, while Piso's appointment was accompanied by rumours that Tiberius had given him secret instructions to watch Germanicus. The claim about Livia's encouragement belongs to Tacitus' account of their relationship; her later intervention to save Plancina is independently documented.

The rivalry became particularly visible after Piso and Plancina reached Syria. Piso cultivated popularity among the soldiers by relaxing discipline, rewarding supporters, and replacing experienced officers with men favourable to him. Tacitus reports that the governor became known among some soldiers as the father of the legions.

Plancina was also conspicuous in military surroundings. Tacitus describes behaviour that he considered improper for a Roman aristocratic woman:

> "Plancina too, instead of keeping herself within the proper limits of a woman, would be present at the evolutions of the cavalry and the manœuvres of the cohorts"

He adds that she made insulting remarks about both Germanicus and Agrippina (Annals 2.55). Some soldiers, according to his account, were prepared to tolerate her conduct, encouraged by rumours that Tiberius himself did not disapprove.

Plancina's presence during military exercises was especially striking because Roman governors' wives were not expected to participate openly in the activities of the army. Tacitus places her conduct alongside Piso's attempts to secure the loyalty of the Syrian legions, although he does not describe her holding a formal military command.

Yet Agrippina herself had previously played an unusually visible role among soldiers. During the Rhine campaigns, she had intervened at a moment of military confusion and helped prevent the destruction of a bridge needed by Roman troops. The two women therefore appear in Tacitus' narrative as prominent figures within military communities, although he describes their behaviour in very different terms.

Germanicus was aware of the hostility developing around Piso and Plancina, but his immediate priority remained the settlement of Armenia. The dispute nevertheless worsened, and relations between the two households became openly antagonistic.

## A Parthian King and a Governor's Wife.

Plancina's activities in Syria were not limited to the military exercises or her hostility towards Agrippina. She also became involved in a sensitive diplomatic affair concerning Vonones, a former king of Parthia who had subsequently ruled Armenia.

![Tetradrachm of Vonones I. ](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/Tetradrachm-of-Vonones-I--2--1.jpg)

Tetradrachm of Vonones I. Public domain

Vonones had spent part of his life in Rome and enjoyed Roman support, but his position in the East had become increasingly difficult. After losing the Parthian throne and being driven from Armenia, he lived under Roman supervision in Syria. His presence near the Parthian frontier continued to create tension, since he retained connections that might encourage political unrest.

King Artabanus of Parthia eventually asked Germanicus to remove Vonones from Syria, fearing that the former ruler could use nearby contacts to interfere in regional affairs.

Tacitus records that Vonones had cultivated Plancina's favour through gifts and attentions. Piso consequently developed a particular attachment to the former king, while Germanicus' decision to transfer Vonones to Pompeiopolis in Cilicia was also intended, according to Tacitus, as an affront to the governor.

The episode placed Plancina within a diplomatic dispute involving Rome, Armenia, and Parthia. The gifts she received from Vonones helped cultivate the favour of the governor's household at a time when the former king's position remained a politically sensitive matter.

The Senate would later condemn Piso for interference in the affairs of Armenia and Parthia, including accepting inducements connected with Vonones. Plancina's relationship with the former king consequently became one of the activities associated with the accusations against her.

## Germanicus' Illness and the Accusations of Poisoning

The confrontation reached a critical point in AD 19\. During Germanicus' absence in Egypt, Piso had reversed arrangements made by the prince for the Syrian legions and provincial communities. When Germanicus returned, the dispute intensified and the two men exchanged bitter accusations.

Germanicus then fell seriously ill at Antioch. Although he experienced a temporary improvement, his condition deteriorated again, and suspicion increasingly focused upon Piso and Plancina.

Tacitus describes the discovery of sinister objects hidden in the floors and walls of Germanicus' residence. They included human remains, ashes stained with blood, lead tablets bearing his name, and materials believed to be used in curses and destructive magic.

Such objects were taken as indications that Germanicus had become the victim of a supernatural attack. The accusations combined fears of poisoning with the belief that magical practices could cause illness and death.

![The Death of Germanicus by Heinrich Füger](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/Germanicus-Death--1--1.jpg)

The Death of Germanicus by Heinrich Füger. Public domain

Germanicus himself became convinced that he had been deliberately harmed. In the speech Tacitus attributes to him shortly before his death, he explicitly named both Piso and Plancina:

> "Now, cut off by the wickedness of Piso and Plancina, I leave to your hearts my last entreaties."

He urged his friends to bring the matter before the Senate and seek vengeance. He also appealed to them to protect Agrippina and their children (Annals 2.71).

The accusation against Plancina was particularly significant. In the surviving Senate decree, Germanicus' belief that Piso was responsible for his death is recorded, but Plancina is not named in that passage. Tacitus, however, places both husband and wife at the centre of Germanicus' final appeal.

Germanicus died at Antioch on 10 October AD 19\. His death provoked widespread grief, both in the eastern provinces and eventually in Rome, where he had been regarded as one of the leading members of the next imperial generation.

The cause of his illness was never established with certainty. Tacitus acknowledges that witnesses disagreed about whether Germanicus' body displayed signs of poisoning before cremation. The allegations nevertheless became central to the proceedings against Piso and Plancina.

## Martina and the Alleged Magical Attacks

One of the most mysterious figures in the affair was Martina, a woman living in Syria who had acquired a reputation for [preparing poisons](https://romanempiretimes.com/the-art-of-poison-in-the-roman-empire/).

Tacitus identifies her as a close favourite of Plancina. After Germanicus' death, the newly appointed governor of Syria, Gnaeus Sentius Saturninus, arranged for Martina to be sent to Rome during preparations for the prosecution against Piso.

Her connection with Plancina made her a potentially significant witness. She was associated with the very practices suspected of having caused Germanicus' death, and her testimony might have revealed information about the accusations involving poison and magic.

Martina never reached Rome alive. She died suddenly at Brundisium, where poison was reportedly found concealed in her hair. Tacitus records that there were no signs indicating that she had taken her own life (Annals 3.7).

Her death remained unexplained. The discovery of poison on her person did not establish whether she had intended to use it, whether she had been poisoned, or whether someone had arranged her death to prevent her from testifying.

![A possible representation of Martina, a woman living in Syria who had acquired a reputation for preparing poisons.](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/martina-1.jpg)

A possible representation of Martina, a woman living in Syria who had acquired a reputation for preparing poisons. Credits: Roman Empire Times, ChatGPT

Martina's death has an important place in the interpretation of Plancina's possible involvement. Her close relationship with a woman notorious for poisoning, combined with the magical materials reportedly discovered during Germanicus' illness, has led to the interpretation that Plancina herself may have been the principal target of the accusations, rather than merely an accomplice to her husband.

Germanicus had named Piso and Plancina together in his final accusation, and after her pardon, hostile voices in Rome claimed that she might use poison and magic against Agrippina and her children. Martina's association with Plancina added to those suspicions, although none of these accusations established that Germanicus had been murdered or that Plancina had organised an attack against him.

## Rejoicing at Germanicus' Death

When news of Germanicus' death reached Piso, he was on the island of Cos. Tacitus describes an extraordinary reaction from both husband and wife.

Piso celebrated openly, offering sacrifices and visiting temples. Plancina, who had been wearing mourning clothes following the death of her sister, abandoned them and dressed for celebration.

Tacitus records that:

> "she then for the first time exchanged for the gayest attire the mourning she had worn for her lost sister."

The change of clothing is presented as part of Plancina's open rejoicing at Germanicus' death (Annals 2.75). The scene became another element in Tacitus' portrayal of the couple's hostility.

The celebrations were followed by a far more serious political development. Piso received encouragement from centurions who claimed that the Syrian legions remained favourable to him, and he began considering whether he could return to the province and resume command.

His younger son Marcus advised him against such a course, warning that an attempt to recover Syria by force would lead to war between Roman troops. Piso nevertheless proceeded, encouraged by supporters who argued that his removal had not been lawful.

Plancina's household was drawn into the undertaking. Tacitus reports that Piso assembled a force consisting of auxiliary troops, deserters, intercepted recruits, and enslaved people belonging to both himself and Plancina.

The reference to Plancina's enslaved household members is significant because it demonstrates that resources belonging to her household formed part of the armed force. Tacitus does not, however, say that she personally recruited these people or ordered them into service.

The enterprise ended in defeat. Piso's men were unable to withstand the forces assembled against him under Sentius Saturninus, and the former governor was compelled to abandon his attempt to recover Syria.

He eventually returned to Rome, where the atmosphere was already hostile. Germanicus' ashes had been brought back by Agrippina and placed in the Mausoleum of Augustus, while public demands for punishment continued to grow.

![Mausoleum of Augustus](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/Mausoleum-of-Augustus--1--1.jpg)

Mausoleum of Augustus. Credits: Credits: Ser Amantio di Nicolao, CC BY 2.0

Tacitus describes Piso's arrival as conspicuously provocative. He landed near the imperial mausoleum and returned to his house overlooking the Forum, where a gathering of supporters attracted further attention. Plancina had returned to face the consequences of the Syrian affair alongside her husband, although their interests would soon diverge dramatically.

## The Trial and Plancina's Separation from Piso

Piso's trial took place before the Senate in AD 20, with Tiberius presiding. The case involved several accusations, including the corruption of military discipline, resistance to Germanicus' authority, the attempt to regain Syria by force, and responsibility for Germanicus' death.

The exact chronology of the proceedings is uncertain. Tacitus places the trial within his account of events in the spring of AD 20, whereas the surviving Senate decree was issued on 10 December. The decree may have been drawn up some months after the judicial proceedings to provide an official account for publication throughout the empire.

The prosecution included men who had served Germanicus and were determined to secure punishment for his enemies. Publius Vitellius, Quintus Veranius, and Quintus Servaeus participated in the accusations, while Lucius Fulcinius Trio introduced charges relating to Piso's earlier career.

Tacitus reports that the prosecution struggled to establish the allegation of poisoning. One claim involved Piso supposedly contaminating Germanicus' food during a banquet, but the circumstances made the accusation difficult to sustain.

Other charges were much more damaging. Piso could not effectively deny his interference with military discipline or the armed attempt to recover Syria. The Senate's anger increased, and crowds outside the meeting place threatened violence if he escaped punishment.

Plancina was also deeply unpopular, but her position was different because she enjoyed the protection of Livia. Tacitus describes the change in her attitude towards her husband as the trial became increasingly hopeless.

Earlier, according to Tacitus, Plancina had promised to share whatever fate awaited Piso, even death. Once she secured assurances of pardon through Livia's private intervention, she began distancing herself from him:

> "she gradually withdrew from her husband and separated her defence from his."

The passage in Annals 3.15 describes the collapse of their common defence before Piso's death. The formal decision to remit Plancina's punishment was subsequently recorded by the Senate.

For Piso, the change was devastating. Tacitus presents Plancina's withdrawal as one of the developments that destroyed his remaining hope, alongside the hostility of the senators and Tiberius' refusal to show any visible sympathy.

Piso returned to the Senate but found no improvement in his position. He was eventually taken back to his house, where he prepared a written statement and passed it to a freedman. Late that night, after Plancina had left his room, the doors were closed.

The following morning, Piso was discovered with his throat cut and a sword beside him. Tacitus records that rumours circulated suggesting he had been murdered, but he declines to confirm them. His account ultimately presents Piso's death as suicide.

Piso's final letter, read before the Senate, appealed to Tiberius for protection of his children. He emphasised that his elder son had not been involved in the Syrian affair and that Marcus had attempted to dissuade him from returning to the province.

Plancina was absent from the appeal. Tacitus makes the omission explicit:

> "About Plancina he added not a word."

The statement in Annals 3.16 brings the account of their final estrangement to a close. Piso appealed for the protection of his sons, while his wife was already pursuing a separate means of escaping the consequences of the trial.

## Livia's Intervention and Plancina's Pardon

Piso's death did not end the proceedings. The Senate continued to consider the accusations against his family and associates, including Plancina.

Tacitus describes Tiberius defending her at his mother's request while her accusers continued pressing their case. He presents the proceedings as deeply embarrassing for the emperor, whose intervention appeared to place the wishes of Livia above the demands for punishment.

![A possible representation of an instant during Plancina's trial by the Senate](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/Plancina-Before-the-Roman-Senate-1.jpg)

A possible representation of an instant during Plancina's trial by the Senate. Credits: Roman Empire Times, ChatGPT

The surviving Senate decree confirms that Livia's involvement was decisive. Its language is unusually explicit about the pressure exerted upon the senators.

In lines 109–120, the decree acknowledges that Plancina faced numerous extremely serious accusations. It then records that she placed all her hopes in the mercy of Tiberius and the Senate.

The decree explains that Tiberius had repeatedly and insistently requested that the senators be satisfied with Piso's punishment and spare his wife, just as they were sparing his son Marcus.

The crucial passage can be rendered from the Latin as follows:

> The emperor had repeatedly and earnestly asked the Senate to be satisfied with the punishment of Gnaeus Piso and to spare his wife, just as it had spared his son Marcus. At his mother's request, he had himself pleaded on Plancina's behalf.

The wording makes clear that the emperor's intervention was not an ordinary defence based upon evidence disproving the allegations. Instead, he was requesting mercy for Plancina through the influence of his mother.

The Senate praised Livia for her services to the Roman state, not only because she had given birth to Tiberius, but also because of the benefits she had bestowed upon people of different ranks. It acknowledged her considerable influence while praising the restraint with which she supposedly exercised it.

Tiberius stated that Livia had presented compelling reasons for seeking Plancina's pardon, but the decree does not specify what those reasons were. The Senate consequently justified its decision by appealing to Livia's standing and the emperor's devotion to his mother. The conclusion was decisive: Plancina's punishment was to be waived.

The decree recorded the remission of Plancina's punishment, without identifying the particular offences for which that punishment had been considered. Her survival depended upon Livia's intervention, not upon a public demonstration that the accusations against her were false.

The public reaction described by Tacitus was bitter. He reports hostile remarks accusing Livia of protecting a woman believed to have participated in Germanicus' death:

> "So it was the duty of a grandmother," people said, "to look a grandson's murderess in the face, to converse with her and rescue her from the Senate."

The accusation was accompanied by fears that Plancina might now direct the same suspected methods against Agrippina and her children (Annals 3.17). These were the words of hostile observers as reported by Tacitus, not a judicial finding that Plancina had murdered Germanicus.

Tacitus further records that two days were spent considering Plancina's case after Piso's death. Her accusers continued pressing the prosecution, but the outcome had effectively been determined by imperial intervention.

Plancina was spared, while two of Piso's associates received severe penalties and the Senate imposed extensive sanctions upon her deceased husband. Her survival became one of the most controversial outcomes of the entire affair.

## The Punishment of Piso and the Survival of His Family

The Senate's measures against Piso were designed to [dishonour him after death](https://romanempiretimes.com/damnatio-memoriae-condemnation-and-eradication-in-the-political-sphere-of-rome/). Women who would ordinarily have mourned him were forbidden to do so, his portraits were to be removed, and his ancestral image was excluded from family commemorations.

His name was also to be erased from a specific monument associated with Germanicus, while part of the building complex belonging to his house near the Fontinal Gate in Rome was ordered demolished.

These penalties affected the memory of Piso but were accompanied by measures preserving the standing and property of his family. His surviving sons received substantial portions of the paternal estate, and provision was made for Calpurnia, a female member of the family.

The elder son, originally Gnaeus, was required to abandon his father's first name. He subsequently became known as Lucius Calpurnius Piso and continued to enjoy a successful political career, becoming consul in AD 27.

Plancina herself remained free. She had escaped the fate of her husband and retained the protection of one of the most influential figures in the imperial household.

The outcome was particularly striking because the official decree did not attempt to deny the seriousness of the accusations against her. It instead recorded the intervention that had secured her survival and the reasons the Senate publicly gave for accepting it.

## The Controversy Over Governors' Wives

The conduct associated with Plancina in Syria also belonged to a wider Roman debate about the presence of aristocratic women in provincial administration.

In AD 21, the senator Caecina Severus proposed that governors should no longer be permitted to take their wives into the provinces. His argument was that women accompanying their husbands could interfere in military matters, encourage corruption, and become involved in the exercise of provincial power.

![The Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, a bronze decree issued by the Roman Senate in AD 20 following the trial of Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso. The inscription records the intervention of Emperor Tiberius, at his mother Livia's request, to spare Munatia Plancina from punishment.](https://storage.ghost.io/c/aa/80/aa80281a-abce-4f35-865f-05153c8cc335/content/images/2026/11/senate-decree--2-.jpg)

The Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, a bronze decree issued by the Roman Senate in AD 20 following the trial of Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso. The inscription records the intervention of Emperor Tiberius, at his mother Livia's request, to spare Munatia Plancina from punishment. Courtesy of Archaeological Museum of Seville, Spain. Photo credits: Manuel Camacho Moreno

Tacitus records Caecina referring to a woman who had recently appeared among troops during military exercises. Although Caecina did not name her, the description closely recalls Plancina's conduct in Syria, where Tacitus had already described her presence during cavalry and infantry manoeuvres.

Caecina's proposal encountered opposition from other senators, particularly Valerius Messalinus, who defended the companionship of wives during long provincial appointments. He argued that preventing governors from taking their wives would impose unnecessary hardships and that the misconduct of a few should not determine the treatment of all.

The proposal was rejected. Nevertheless, the debate illustrates how conduct of the kind attributed to Plancina could become part of arguments about the influence of women in Roman provincial government.

Roman aristocratic women could develop powerful relationships through their marriages, family connections, patronage, and proximity to provincial armies, even though their influence operated outside the formal offices held by men. Plancina's activities in Syria made those tensions particularly visible.

## Thirteen Years Later: Plancina's Death

Plancina continued to live after the trial, protected by her friendship with Livia. Her position changed significantly when Julia Augusta died in AD 29.

The death of her patron did not immediately bring Plancina's downfall. Tacitus connects her continued survival with her hostility towards Agrippina, whose relationship with Tiberius had deteriorated severely.

Agrippina was eventually imprisoned and subjected to harsh treatment. In AD 33, she died, bringing to an end the long confrontation between Germanicus' widow and the emperor.

Plancina's circumstances changed soon afterwards. Tacitus introduces the final episode of her life with the observation:

> "Meanwhile Agrippina's ruin, strange to say, dragged Plancina with it."

He explains that Plancina had previously been protected both by Livia's intervention and by the hostility directed against Agrippina. Once both influences had disappeared, accusations against her could again be pursued.

Tacitus concludes his account in Annals 6.26:

> "Pursued by charges universally notorious, she suffered by her own hand a penalty tardy rather than undeserved."

Plancina therefore died by suicide in AD 33, according to Tacitus. His account does not describe the conclusion of a new trial or a formal sentence delivered against her before her death.

Cassius Dio also records Plancina's death in the same year, using less precise language concerning how she died. He offers another explanation for her earlier survival: Tiberius had allegedly disliked her for reasons unrelated to Germanicus but allowed her to live because he did not wish to give Agrippina the satisfaction of seeing her enemy destroyed.

The accounts differ in their explanations of Tiberius' motives, but both connect Plancina's eventual fate with the changing relationships inside the imperial household.

Thirteen years after Germanicus' death, the accusations that had once brought Plancina before the Senate returned. Livia was dead, Agrippina had also died, and the relationships that had protected Plancina could no longer save her. According to Tacitus, she took her own life before the renewed proceedings reached a recorded verdict.

💡

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Alison E. Cooley, **The Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone Patre: Text, Translation, and Commentary*. Cambridge University Press, 2023.  
  
Elizabeth Ann Pollard, “Magic Accusations against Women in Tacitus's Annals,” in Kimberly B. Stratton and Dayna S. Kalleres (eds.), **Daughters of Hecate: Women and Magic in the Ancient World*. Oxford University Press, 2014.  
  
Caroline Kroon and Imme Laseur, “Emerging Women: Exploring Tacitus' Narrative Composition in the Annals through a Narratological-Linguistic Lens.” **The Cambridge Classical Journal*, 2026.  
  
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A. J. Woodman, “Tiberius and the Taste of Power: The Year 33 in Tacitus.” **Classical Quarterly* 56.1 (2006).